These random references are mainly meant as “seeds” (of investigation) for Linghui Zhang, my Chinese student:
§1. bDud ’joms chos ’byung (p. 590). Context: A meditation or a meditative state (mnyam bzhag) characterized by ci yang yid la mi byed pa is not necessarily a hwa shang gi sgom!
§2. bDud ’joms chos ’byung (p. 139). Context: Two Chinese monks who were invited by lHa-lung dPal-gyi-rdo-rje, the assassin of King Glang-dar-ma, to participate in the ordination committee, were: rGya’i hwa shang ke wang and Gyi phan. Do we know Chinese characters for these two names?
§3. bDud ’joms chos ’byung (p. 109). Context: Śrī-Siṃha and his Chinese link.
§4. bDud ’joms chos ’byung (p. 172). Context: Vimalamitra is said to have stayed 13 years and Tibet and then gone to China (Ri-bo-rtse-lnga) but does Chinese sources know about it? Perhaps not.
§5. bDud ’joms chos ’byung (p. 371). Context: Of course rgya gar bdun brgyud and rgya nag bdun brgyud are well-known but have to look up Almogi & Thiesen.
§6. bDud ’joms rgyal rabs (pp. 117–127). Context: There is person named Sang-shi, who goes to China, meets a Ha-shang with clairvoyance and even foretells the invitation of Śāntarakṣita. He brings with him another Ha-shang to Tibet. Sang-shi is involved in inviting Śāntarakṣita and in taking him back to Nepal. What else do we know about this apparently active guy? According to the g.Ya’ sel (p. 912), rBa gSal-snang is called in Chinese Sang-shi-ta whereas some identify Sang-shi-ta as the son of rBa Khri-bzher.
§7. g.Yu phreng (vol. 1, pp. 296–297). Context: sBa gSal-snang receives instructions from Hwa-shang.
§8. g.Yu phreng (vol. 1, p. 313). Context: Chinese translator Bran-ka Legs-kong. Hwa-shang Ma-ko-le invited.
§9. g.Yu phreng (vol. 1, pp. 318–321). Context: Details of the bSam-yas Debate.
§10. gNubs-chen, bSam gtan mig sgron (p. 15.2–3): de nas dar mō dhā ra [i.e. dharmottara] la sogs pas nas rgya nag po bdun rgyud [= brgyud] tha mar ha shang ma hā ya [= yā] na la thug. The idea of “seven-generation lineage in China” can be found already there. Perhaps the earliest such source?
§11. lDe’u chos ’byung (p. 300): ha shang ma ya na (sic) spyan drangs rtsis rnams bsgyur (i.e. during Khri-srong-lde-btsan)
§12. lDe’u chos ’byung (p. 301): rgya nag nas ha shang ma ya na (sic) = (one of the 7 foreign scholars invited to Tibet during the latter part of Khri-srong-lde-btsan’s life (i.e. Padmasambhava from Za-hor, Śāntarakṣita and Vimalamitra from India, Kamalaśīla from Khrom, Ananta from Kashmir, Śīlamañju from Nepal, and Hwa-shang Mahāyāna from China).
§13. See the bKa’ thang sde lnga (p. 454) for rgya nag bdun brgyud.
§14. Some Chinese paṇḍitas are listed in the list of paṇḍitas in the bKa’ sde lnga (pp. 402–403).
§15. Mi-pham on the Ha-shang View: The issue of the Ha-shang view is briefly mentioned in the Nges shes sgron me (B, p. 13) in the context of the question: mnyam bzhag ’dzin stangs yod dam med ||. According to that passage, there is a flawless view of cir yang mi ’dzin pa (like ci yang med pa) and a flawed view of it. The second is identified with the Ha-shang view, which is caricaturally described as a state of “unconsciousness” (dran med), so to speak, a state of “blackout” or “spaced-out.” The question is whether this really presents and represents the Ha-shang view. One would very much doubt!
§16. Klong-chen-pa, gNas lugs mdzod ’grel (dPal-brstegs ed. vol. 119, p. 415.7–8: slob dpon chen po ha shang gis gsungs pas de dus blo dman pa’i blor mi shong yang don la de bzhin du gnas so ||; also mentioned in Seyfort Ruegg 1989: 102, n. 201).